What roles did fascism and anti-fascism play in American domestic

During the presidential campaign of 1932, Franklin Roosevelt first coined the term that would become the backbone of US domestic policies throughout the 1930s: "I pledge you, I pledge myself, to a 'new deal' for the American people. " When Roosevelt succeeded the presidency, he came into office in 1933 at the height of economic depression in America - he proposed to Congress an ambitious 'New Deal' to recover agriculture, industry and businesses, while delivering relief to the unemployed.

However as Leuchtenburg states, "All of the New Deal was to be carried on under the shadow of the menace of fascism. "1 Fascism can be defined as: A philosophy or system of government that is marked by stringent social and economic control, a strong, centralized government usually headed by a dictator, and often a policy of belligerent nationalism. Many historians have identified that before the fascist countries of Italy and Germany became their enemy, many Americans admired them and their progressive economic system.Therefore many have argued that domestic policies in the 1930s were significantly influenced by fascism. And while fascism affected he formulation of these policies; many anti-fascist, especially the far-left, had their role in their development. When Roosevelt came to formulate his New Deal policies, many Americans perceived Benito Mussolini's fascist programs in Italy were a sufficient and successful method to deal with the problems of economic depression.

Many of the New Dealers believed the state should implement fascist concepts into their domestic policies.As John T. Flynn wrote, "The New Dealers..

. began to flirt with the alluring pastime of reconstructing the capitalist system...

and in the process of this new career they began to fashion doctrines that turned out to be the principles of fascism. " American Ambassadors to Italy reported on their admiration of Mussolini's unique and original government that organised the state to deal with post-Great War problems. Many Americans believed it was powerful wealthy capitalists through their dominance of the American economy that had caused the Wall Street Crash that led to Depression.Some therefore looked to alternative methods in running the economy in the 1930s. And with most representing their opposition to communists and anarchists - many contemplated using fascist concepts in domestic policies.

It was reported that the US State department admired how Italian Fascism brought "order out of chaos, discipline out of license, and solvency out of bankruptcy. " They considered incorporating fascism due to its anti-Communist position and due to the progress and recovery that had been made in the countries of Germany and Italy.Fascism played an important role, to a certain point in much of Roosevelt's New Deal policies in the 1930s. In Italy, the organisation of the state and labour through public works programs became an inspiration for the administrations and legislations created by Roosevelt and the New Dealers. There was a significant increase in the role of Roosevelt and the State in the economy - thus the government was able to control and direct the development of the economy to a greater extent.

Therefore many historians have argued that Roosevelt's government in some respects was an analogy of Mussolini's.On the other hand there were many left wing anti-fascists that ensured the New Deal would not change the American economic system to one similar to Fascist Italy's. Anti-Fascist ideas also played a significant role in shaping the New Deal domestic policies. Many American far leftists were acutely against some of the New Deal policies heralding them as fascist. Roosevelt himself despised dictatorship and totalitarianism, and would not have considered himself or compare any of his policies as 'fascist.Yet it has been considered that many of the contributors to the New Deal did imitate fascist systems in their economic policies.

It can be agreed that President Roosevelt had the intent of expanding the power of the Federal State and himself when he came to power, which is portrayed in his First Inaugural speech. The President believed he had the justification to tamper with the constitution and extend the power of the government without it being a time of war - due to the fact that the country was in chaos.As he declares, "I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis--broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe. "2 This can be interpreted as Roosevelt's desire to invest more power in himself and that he is preparing the nation for the future use of extensive arbitrary powers to enforce domestic policies similar to that of a fascist leader.

An example of a domestic policy in the 1930s in which fascism and anti-fascism played an important role was the National Recovery Administration.It has been widely considered that the NRA was the centerpiece of Roosevelt's New Deal in the mid-1930s The NRA was a result of the National Industrial Recovery Act which established codes of fair competition aimed at supporting prices and wages and stimulating economic revival. It was administered by Hugh S. Johnson who had the aim of organizing businesses under the fair trade codes. The NRA established wide industry boards empowered to set and enforce prices, wages and other terms of employment, production and distribution for companies.The concept of organizing industrial cartels backed by the government to run industries in many regards can be suggested as an imitation of fascism.

As Francis Perkins writes, "The NRA programme was pictured as a government-industry co-operative enterprise. "3 It is the emphasis on significant government involvement and control that brought parallels with fascism, and some heralded Johnson's Blue Eagle as a fascist symbol. However, some cite that this type of industrial organization was in fact inherited from the planned economy organized during the First World War.As Fiona Venn states "the Roosevelt administration recognized the lesson of the First World War that the federal government could mobilize the nation's resources in a planned economy. " It has been noted that General Hugh Johnson, the administer of the NRA was an admirer of Mussolini's National Corporatist system in Italy.

It can be suggested that Johnson implemented some of Mussolini's ideas when formulating parts of the New Deal. It was well known that Johnson was no supporter of trade unions and strikes; as Leuchtenburg writes, "Johnson never accepted the principle of the right of a union... nd that mass labor organizing would impede recovery. "4 What Johnson approved the most about the Corporative system was that each trade or industrial group was organized into a state supervised trade association.

On the other hand, in many respects it can be perceived that anti-fascism played a part in the NRA. The National Industrial Recovery Act, whilst introducing codes that gave greater power to companies also meant "obligations were required by businesses, including minimum wages and maximum hours, the end to sweat shops and child labour. 5 These activities would certainly never have existed under a fascist regime.The incorporating of Section 7a which was meant to ensure labour's right to collective bargaining on the surface also seemed very anti-fascist. However in practice this was not the case; it imposed no obligation for employers to follow these rights.

For instance, Section 7A gave the right for employees in trade unions to choose their representatives, but did not prohibit employers to destroy that freedom. There was far from equal rights achieved between employer's trade associations and labour unions.The New York Herald Tribune called it "the road to fascism,"6 as fascism destroyed independent labour unions. Therefore, having previously been rejected, the National Labor Relations Act (or Wagner Act) was passed in July 1935. This act on the other hand diverted the road to fascism and replaced Section 7a outlawing employer-dominated company unions and the enforcement of the right of collective bargaining through representatives chosen by employees. And to administer the law a new three member National Labour Relations Board replaced the previous National Relations Board to administer the law and hold employee elections.

Yet it still took a couple of years before the NLRB could enforce their laws. It could be suggested that the expansion of trade union rights would have partly been related to some anti-fascist ideas. However some still consider that Johnson attempted to base the core of the NRA on the Italian fascist Corporative State. The state supervised trade associations in Italy were in many ways similar to Johnson's federally supervised industries that could regulate production and prices as well as labor standards.

Conversely though, only some extremists have gone as far as to brand the NRA as fascist. And there were some in favour of far more radical fascist measures to the NRA. For example, in February 1935 the president recommended to Congress the extension of the NIRA; yet some in opposition to the extension quoted a book on how to bring fascism to the United States by Kirton Varley, "Study Italian practice in organizing the corporations and profit by the experience gained there.Organize industries under the NRA administration into guilds with the same end in view.

"7 Nevertheless, the Supreme Court in 1935 declared the NRA as unconstitutional as many of the codes were an illegal delegation of legislative authority given to the executive. As Davis identifies, "This authorization, ruled the Court, was an impermissible delegation of legislative power to the executive. "8 The NRA gave President Roosevelt the power to regulate interstate commerce.And due to the fact that some possibly believed that by giving the President unconstitutional powers in such a way, it was drawing America closer to fascism. Essentially though, the National Industrial Recovery Act was a relevant case on how fascism and anti-fascism influenced the shape and fate of the National Recovery Administration. Some observers have advocated that through the Agricultural Adjustment Act President Roosevelt and his government exercised control over farmers similar to that of a Fascist state.

Drafted by Henry Wallace (Secretary of Agriculture) in 1933, the AAA restricted agricultural production by paying farmers to reduce their crops with the purpose of reducing surplus therefore effectively raise the value of stock and crop production. Heavier taxes were levied by the Federal government on the processors in order to pay subsidies to the farmers. The AAA meant the government had a much greater involvement in farmer's lives and in some believed it mirrored Mussolini's agricultural policies.For example, in Italy the government had a substantial influence on farming - through the 'Battle of Grain' farmers were likewise given subsidies, but rather to increase production.

In an interview in the New York Times in 1936, Herbert Hoover was quoted, "I rejected the schemes of economic planning to regiment and coerce the farmer. That was born of a Roman despot 1400 years ago and grew into the AAA. " On the other hand, some believed the method the government controlled farming through the AAA in fact reflected forms of communism.The AAA likewise broke the limits of the constitution in order to have greater regulation on agriculture. Once again, like the NRA, possibly due to an anti-fascist attitude, "the Supreme Court now struck down the agricultural pillar by declaring Agricultural Adjustment Act unconstitutional. "9 The Court believed that the plan to regulate and control agricultural production was beyond the powers delegated to the federal government.

Was it possible the Court believed Acts like the NIRA and AAA were giving Roosevelt's government powers similar to that of a fascist regime.Another example of fascism playing a role in a domestic policy in the 1930's was in the Works Progress Administration. This was created in 1935 under the supervision of Harry Hopkins with the signing of a U. S.

Presidential Executive Order that provided jobs and income to the unemployed. The WPA setup government funded and controlled projects across the nations, which in some ways can be linked to the fascist Corporative State. It was in some respects a pragmatic way to deal with the problems of capitalism by embodying measures of collectivism and centralization similar to Fascist Italy.For example, within the WPA was the Public Works Administration under Harold Ickes that constructed massive housing projects, sewage plants and public health facilities to name a few. Major examples from the WPA include the Golden Gate Bridge and Camp David.

These public works programs brought corporations and the state much closer - consequently the government had much more supervision and jurisdiction over businesses developments. The method in which corporations were encouraged to co-operate with the government was similar to that of Nazi Germany.Through, for example, the Civilian Conservative Corps under Harold Ickes (Secretary of the Interior) the Federal Government established massive projects with the aim of conserving the environment. For example, building public parks and planting trees as well as a range of other public works that would in turn provide employment to young men.

As Rauch writes "The CCC was a type of public works activity which the Hoover administration had not developed. "10 It was this method of public works activity that was in many cases state controlled, which could be linked to the projects in countries such as Italy.Parallels with fascism can also be disguised in the establishment of the Tennessee Valley Authority in 1933 that generated electricity in the Tennessee region to seven states. Some believe that there are significant links with fascism as the TVA was a corporation owned by the government which ran on the money of the taxpayers selling electric power in competition with privately owned enterprises.Leuchtenburg cites "The TVA was created in order to prevent private corporations from exploiting these vast resources for private profit.

11 The government preferred to take control, and if this was not economic fascism, it was certainly was not capitalism. It must not be underestimated that some fascist views were widely popular across the US with the then current economic state and conditions and so they influenced domestic policies in many ways. This can be depicted in the enormous support for the fascist radio priest Father Coughlin. Also, for example, the Governor of Louisiana Huey Long had huge support for his anti-capitalist policies and control of state-corporations.

Long's political machine in Louisiana was everything but in name a dictatorship and showed that fascism could play a major part in policies. However, anti-fascist feelings got Long assassinated in 1935 and his mini dictatorship gradually liquidated. Yet Huey Long had remarked "that in the United States fascism would arrive in the guise of anti-fascism. "12 In general however, even though there are many examples of fascism playing a role in domestic policies in the 1930s, essentially the attitude of the country and Roosevelt himself were anti-fascist.I believe it is important to note that it was not fascism that had a role in domestic policies, but 'economic fascism.

' Ronald Reagan claimed in 1976 that "Fascism was really the basis for the New Deal. It was Mussolini's success in Italy, with his government-directed economy, that led the early New Dealers to say 'But Mussolini keeps the trains running on time. "13 Although FDR and the New Dealers may have flirted with fascism, it was the anti-fascist Supreme Court that prevailed over fascist-like domestic policies like the NRA and AAA due to the US Constitution.