In October of 1905, a united resistance was formed in affiliation with the ambition to overthrow Nicholas II, Tsar of Russia.

This united opposition, which still stands as one of the biggest anarchistic events in Romanov history, transpired shortly after the events of the ‘bloody Sunday’ massacre. Nicholas managed to retain his thrown throughout the revolution; many factors assisted in this sustainment, including the army, and elite, powerful people staying faithful, and honorable to the Tsar and his regulations.Despite the munity, which occurred on the Battleship Potemkin in June of 1905, and the poor leadership during the Russo-Japanese war, the army remained loyal to their Tsar. This allowed Nicholas to have the protection, and numbers he needed in order to diminish any attacks in regards to the revolution, against the Tsar’s regime.

Not only did the army provide a barricade from the rebels, but the army’s loyalty could have served as a great influence, in the hopes to persuade members of the resistance to remain loyal to the Tsar.In addition to the extensive numbers due to the army’s loyalty, it made a spectacle of the rebels; not only did it prove the resistance were the center of an anarchist uprising, but displayed they were fighting the country, which would ultimately lead to a civil war – which would only make the rights they were fighting for elaborate to achieve, if not abolish them completely. One of the main attributes to play a major role in the survival of the Tsar was the unorganized, and badly strategized stature of the opposition.The social democrats proved such corrupt unity in their split into two groups: the Bolsheviks, led by Lenin – and the Mensheviks, led by Martov.

Both democratic leaders had different opinions on how to lead the group as a whole. Lenin wanted the core of active members limited, whereas Martov wanted his party to expand and grow extensively at an attempt to help spread awareness. The lack of reason to unite ultimately entailed the loss of a main authority figure, meaning the social democrats – the main foe of the Tsar, had no real leader.The absence of organization by the democrats came as a strong advantage to Nicholas, as the opposition was unable to sustain any strength, or power over him, or succeed in any of its attacks. This lack of unity amongst the revolutionaries affected many parties, including: the Liberals, and the Social Revolutionaries. Each party had their own individual agenda; the Social Democrats aimed for the extinction of Tsarism completely, the Liberals prospered for communal power with the Tsar, and the Social Revolutionaries demanded peasant ownership of land.

On October 30th, 1905, The October Manifesto was issued. Nicholas issued the Manifesto as opposed to resulting in military dictatorship, after being persuaded by the objections of members of his family, and senior ministers. After deep consideration, he subsequently realized Russia’s need for concessions. This vital understanding arose from fear of his government’s loss of control, which would ultimately lead to a devastating spiral of events, such as the loss of military loyalty.Nicholas anticipated the possibility of an uprising, with renowned knowledge that the events of a peasant rebellion was the oldest fear of the Russian nobility, he knew he had to hastily decide on a course of action.

The Tsar belatedly confirmed the proposition of assigning an elected parliament, which would be known as the Duma. The manifesto seemingly granted justifiable, liberal, and lawful entitlement of rights such as: freedom of person, of speech, religion, and assembly and organization.Although this declaration quelled the outbreaks within Russia, it was nothing but a liberal facade concocted by the Tsar; the manifesto may have allowed citizens a percentage of freedom, but it did not accommodate nor address the direct political and social issues. In the following month of November, supporting sets of concessions were issued, and in doing so institutionalized a further set of rules for the peasants to abide by, as well as abolishing redemption payments. In return, peasants were asked ‘to preserve peace and order, and not violate the laws and rights of others’.Much to Nicholas’ gratification, autocracy still remained dictatorial.

December saw the last desperate attempt of an uprising from the rebels. This anarchy resulted in the death of over 1,000 rebel lives due to the force of regular troops, whilst loyal troops suppressed mutinous veterans of the eastern war along the route of the Trans-Siberian Railway. A renowned terrorist group, known as the ‘Black Hundreds’ (specializing in anti-Semitic pogroms) supplemented the Union of the Russian People, by assaulting established reformists.This ultimately advocated the efforts carried out by the elected government. In 1906, Pyotr Stolypin joined the Council of Ministers, before being appointed chairman a year later in 1907.

Stolypin was a ruthless man, and aimed to regenerate Russia on the basis of violent counter-terror, and plans of reform. His attacks were directed towards the political opposition, an unrelenting force made imperative by the revival of revolutionary violence. Stolypin acted swiftly in response to terror attacks, by executing 1,144 death sentences during a time span of 36 weeks prior to May of 1907.Many people agreed that due to Stolypin, there was a visible improvement, having almost diminished the revolution; 600 unions were closed, and 1,00 newspapers discontinued publishing between 1906 and 1912. During that time, political assassinations dropped to 365.

Stolypin’s main aim of reform was to address the peasantry (something that is predecessors had avoided, or failed to do). He anticipated peasantry freedom from the communes created by the emancipation, which took place in 1861. In 1906, a law was enforced, which stated ‘any peasant had the right to withdraw himself and his land from the commune’.Soon after, all communes were abolished, and civil rights were granted to peasants.

In an attempt to quell ‘land hunger’, an abundant sum of state land was transferred to the Peasants’ Bank. If the Tsar had held the intelligence to listen to his advocates, namely Stolypin, second to Witte, his regime may have been saved. Tsar Nicholas II survived the revolution to no extent of his own; he was a weak leader, who relied on his faith, and people of power to guide, and lead him through times of crisis.He relied on his advocates, like Stolypin, and Witte, to address in-depth social, and political issues he was not adapt to administer. Above all, his main victory was the result of disorganization of the opposition – due to his foes lack of unity, he was able to retain power over any opposition, as well as regain the loyalty of the citizens of Russia.

Despite this, it is arguable that his position as Tsar was never truthfully in danger during this period of time. This, however, would soon change drastically during the 1917 revolution.